When Bureaucracy Fails Victims: EEOC, Political Will, and the Trump Administration
by Nicole Colaianni
“Sexual assault allegations seem to be a badge of honor in Trump’s America” proclaimed journalist Carter Sherman in an article published by The Guardian on March 30, 2025. This statement reflects a growing concern among commentators and news outlets regarding President Trump’s recent appointments to high-ranking government positions—many of whom, most notably Defense Secretary Pete Hegeseth and Secretary of the Department for Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr., have faced credible accusations of sexual assault. President Trump himself was found liable for sexual assault in a civil case in May of 2023 (NBC News 2023). Within the Trump administration, allegations of violence against women—whether in the form of domestic abuse or workplace sexual harassment— seem to not only be overlooked but increasingly appear to be tolerated, even rewarded (NBC News 2024; NPR 2024; CBS 2024). Eight years after the global emergence of the #MeToo movement, such appointments are increasingly being interpreted as acts of political retaliation against the movement itself (The Cut 2024; MSNBC 2024), prompting the unsettling query:” Is #MeToo History?” (USA Today 2025).#

Figure 1: President Biden Signing the Speak Out Act 2022
Among the most significant legal victories achieved in the wake of the #MeToo movement were two landmark legislative changes signed into law by President Biden in 2021 and 2022: The Speak Out Act declared Non-Disclosure Agreements reached after 2022 – if regarding sexual harassment and sexual violence – would no longer be upheld by the judiciary. The Ending Forced Arbitration of Sexual Assault and Sexual Harassment Act ended the practice of mandatory arbitration in cases involving sexual violence or harassment. These reforms marked a turning point: whereas in 2017, over half (55%) of American non-unionized employees in the private sector were bound by mandatory arbitration and unable to bring a claim against their employers in open court (Colvin, 2017: p. 1), the legal changes in 2021 ensured that victims of sexual harassment had the right to bring their claims before a public court. By restoring jurisdiction to federal judges, these changes significantly increased the potential for justice and transparency.

Figure 2: President Trump signs a series of executive orders January 2025
Now, however, President Trump’s cabinet picks and perhaps more significantly his battery of executive orders targeting policies regarding diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) both within the public and private sector have spurned worries that any progress initiated by the #MeToo movement may be lost. Executive Order 14173 disallows federal contractors from offering or engaging in DEI programs and affirmative action. Executive Order 14151 aims to “end radical and wasteful government DEI programs and preferencing,” and Executive Order 14168 defines “sex” as an individual’s “immutable biological classification as either male or female.” These orders significantly change the federal interpretation of discrimination regarding the race, gender, and sexual orientation. Interestingly, however, none of these orders directly address the issue of sexual harassment. Despite the policy on sexual harassment not changing, I will argue in this article that the lack of political will and changed enforcement priorities significantly affect victims’ options, even when laws and policies remain unchanged. In order to illustrate this point, I will turn to a historical example: I will highlight how the Reagan-administration reversed much of Carter’s changes regarding sexual harassment without ever changing the law or even official federal policy.

Figure 3: Sexual Harassment and Gavel by Nick Youngson
In the United States, the term sexual harassment was never defined by Congress. Instead, feminists argued that sexual harassment constituted sex discrimination in the workplace and should thereby be covered by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. As the federal agency responsible for enforcing the Civil Rights Act, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) in 1980 issued guidelines on sexual harassment defining the behavior as “unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical harassment of a sexual nature, […] when it is so pervasive or severe that it creates a hostile or offensive work environment or when it results in an adverse employment decision” (EEOC, 45 Federal Register 74676, 1980). This was the first time that the federal government defined the issue of sexual harassment. While the EEOC, as part of the executive branch, had and has no judicial authority and the guidelines were initially not binding, throughout the decades various Supreme Court decisions have confirmed the EEOC interpretation, which was first put forward by feminists in the late 1970s (Meritor v. Vinson; Burlington v. Ellerth, 1998; Faragher v. City of Boca Raton, 1998).
Since first issuing the guidelines in 1980 the EEOC has not altered them. However, history has demonstrated that without the political will to enforce it, a policy can become utterly meaningless. Let me illustrate this with the differing approaches taken by two Chairs of the EEOC: The Carter appointee Eleanor Holmes Norton implemented the guidelines and presents an example of unwavering commitment to their enforcement. In contrast, Holmes’ direct successor the Reagan appointee Clarence Thomas was directed by the President to weaken the guidelines and to reflect in the agency the sharp conservative turn of the administration. In the end, Thomas led the EEOC down a much more conservative path, while at the same time failing to revised the official EEOC guidelines. The contrast of these historical examples nicely illustrates the difference of an administrations’ actions and results despite officially adhering to the same policy.

Figure 4: Eleanor Holmes Norton, EEOC Commissioner 1977-1981
From 1977 to 1981, under the leadership of Eleanor Holmes Norton, the EEOC made a landmark commitment to addressing sexual harassment in the workplace. During her tenure, the agency released its first official guidelines on sexual harassment and took decisive action to reduce what The Washington Post referred to as its “scandalous backlog” of discrimination cases (1976: A12), cutting it by nearly half within two years (Baker 2008: 116). In 1980, Norton launched the “Rapid Charge Processing” system—a streamlined approach to handling complaints that significantly improved efficiency. Feminist organizations hailed the reform as a “major accomplishment,” as it reduced the average processing time from two years to just six months (Women Employed Institute 1982: 5). Norton’s tenure demonstrated that strong political leadership can be instrumental in transforming bureaucratic institutions into effective advocates for victims of workplace harassment (Zippel 2006: 52, 59; Dobbin 2009: 15, 80).

Figure 5: President Ronald Reagan Giving the Inaugural Address from the United States Capitol
President Reagan’s inauguration in 1981 marked a significant conservative shift in American politics (Critchlow 2003: 96). On the issue of equal opportunity, Reagan famously asserted: “We must not allow the noble concept of equal opportunity to be distorted into federal guidelines or quotas which require race, ethnicity, or sex—rather than ability and qualifications—to be the principal factor in hiring or education” (quoted in Graham 2003: 286). By emphasizing individual merit and potential, Reagan directly challenged feminist perspectives and largely dismissed structural inequalities as relevant to achieving success (Fernandez 2015: 188). Moreover, he regarded state intervention in the private sector as an improper use of public resources (McAllister 2003: 54).
In 1982, the Taskforce on Regulatory Relief, led by Vice President George H. W. Bush, sought to weaken the EEOC’s guidelines on sexual harassment. The administration criticized the guidelines for relying heavily on individual perception and argued that they placed an undue burden on employers (Pasztor 1981: 5; Labor Notes 1981: 136). However, a coordinated letter-writing campaign spearheaded by the Working Women’s Institute in partnership with Women Employed (WE) helped rally significant public support for the guidelines (Working Women’s Institute 1981; Sauvigné 1981: 2; Reed 1981; Flowers 1981). By March 1983, this widespread backing, alongside repeated affirmations of the guidelines by federal courts, compelled the Bush administration to abandon efforts to modify them (Berry 1983). As a result, the EEOC’s official policies and complaint procedures on sexual harassment remained fully intact.
Nevertheless, under the Reagan administration, the EEOC became significantly less effective in addressing sexual harassment (Women Employed, “Gender Gap” 1982: 1). The agency faced substantial budget cuts, with its funding reduced by nearly twenty percent in the 1982 fiscal year (Women Employed, “Enforcement” 1982: 9; “Budget Cuts” 1982: 4). Senator Edward Kennedy suggested that this funding reduction was directly linked to the administration’s opposition to the anti-sexual harassment guidelines. His assertion is supported by the fact that the EEOC’s Office of Policy Implementation—the unit responsible for drafting these guidelines—was disproportionately affected by the budget restrictions (Baker 2008: 136–37, 140).

Figure 6: President Reagan and EEOC Chair Clarence Thomas, 1986
Personnel changes also had a profound impact on the EEOC’s approach to sexual harassment cases (Women Employed, “Commissioners” 1982: 5). Not only did the agency experience a reduction in staff, but many employees with backgrounds in civil rights and feminist activism—largely appointed during the Carter administration—departed. They were replaced by individuals who, as historian Carrie N. Baker notes, “lacked a commitment to equal employment opportunity” (2008: 138). The most significant leadership change occurred in 1981 with the replacement of Eleanor Holmes Norton by Clarence Thomas. Thomas, who led the EEOC through the remainder of the decade, had a history of opposing affirmative action and would later become a controversial figure during his 1991 Supreme Court confirmation hearings due to sexual harassment allegations.
Through financial restrictions and strategic personnel changes, the Reagan administration effectively shifted the EEOC’s approach to sexual harassment without formally altering its policies. By the end of 1982, the Commission’s backlog of sexual harassment cases had doubled, partly due to the erosion of Norton’s Rapid Charge Processing System. Furthermore, the percentage of complaints dismissed as having “no cause” rose from 29% in 1980–81 to 35% in 1982. Training programs and public awareness efforts were significantly curtailed, and the number of lawsuits filed by the EEOC on behalf of complainants dropped by 74% (Women Employed, “Enforcement” 1982; Baker 2008: 138). As a result, the EEOC no longer functioned as an ally to victims of workplace harassment.
While President Ronald Reagan is often remembered for using socially conservative rhetoric to appeal to the Christian Right, his political focus largely centered on economic issues. He was a vocal critic of affirmative action and what would today be termed DEI policies; however, Reagan’s opposition was comparatively restrained when measured against the aggressive dismantling efforts seen under President Trump. While sufficient data has yet to be collected, it is reasonable to assume that the EEOC under Trump is even less likely to serve as an ally to victims of sexual harassment than it was during the Reagan era four decades ago.
Contrary to the Reagan administration, the Trump administration has not even attempted to change the 1980 EEOC guidelines regarding sexual harassment in the workplace. In fact, the EEOC under President Trump has been left with three open seats, leaving the Commission without a quorum and thereby rendering it “unable to issue new regulations or guidance, or to amend or revoke those established under the previous administration” (EEOC, 2025). Instead of changing the official policy, the Trump administration has done exactly what Reagan did four decades before him: Changed enforcement priorities, cut the agencies budget, and replaced the agencies leadership.
Now, the reader might rightly ask: If the EEOC has no judicial authority, and the law on sexual harassment remains unchanged, why is the involvement of the agency so important to victims of harassment? With mandatory arbitration limited, can employees not simply seek legal action and bypass the agency? The short answer is yes. Sexual harassment is legally classified as a violation of the Civil Rights Act and therefore is a matter any employee may address in federal civil courts.
The longer answer is more complicated. Even if one seeks to bring legal action without the EEOC, one cannot circumvent the agency fully. In order to be heard by a court one needs to acquire a “right to sue” letter from the agency. Thus, filing a complaint with the agency remains a necessary first step. If the agency does not proceed with an investigation due to the backlog of cases, it is required to issue such a letter within 180 days (Derek Smith Law Group, 2025). The agency can also require conciliation efforts, such as mediation (Foote 2021: 238). However, the agency cannot prevent access to the courts after the 180-day mark.
The much bigger problem is of a practical rather than legal nature. Pursuing a case in court is expensive. With over 60 percent of Americans living paycheck to paycheck (Becker 2023; Dickler 2023), many victims cannot afford legal assistance. While it is legally possible to represent oneself in a civil proceeding, according to Berrey et al., the roughly 23 percent of plaintiffs who pursue litigation without representation experience far worse outcomes than those who hired a lawyer (2017: 42.). When well-funded and motivated the EEOC was able to bring lawsuits on behalf of complainants, assuming financial risk. As illustrated this was common during the Carter administration. There was also a significant uptake of cases brought to court on behalf of victims of sexual harassment during the Biden administration after the passage of the Speak Out Act. With the EEOC’s priorities again shifting under Trump, working-class women without resources cannot rely on the agency to seek justice and are de facto excluded from the legal system, leaving them with little leverage in workplace complaints.
Given the increasing political pressure on corporations—particularly federal contractors—to revise or eliminate their DEI programs, one might reasonably question whether internal sexual harassment policies will also be affected. Despite shifts in federal rhetoric, legal experts and management consultants are advising companies not to alter these policies, emphasizing that although administrative direction may change, the legal framework remains intact (e.g. Warran et al. 2025; Hoey et al. 2025; Warner 2025). As I have argued elsewhere, the private sector has long reframed sexual harassment not as an issue of discrimination or violence, but as a disruption to productivity and professionalism. Moreover, it is often seen as an individualized problem, disconnected from broader structures of inequality (Colaianni, 2021; Colaianni, forthcoming 2026). This suggests that even companies abandoning DEI initiatives have little incentive to dismantle sexual harassment policies.
However, enforcement remains critical. While many companies maintain formal sexual harassment policies, enforcement typically occurs internally and is often inconsistent (Schultz 2003: 2107). Employers are usually motivated not by justice, but by the desire to resolve complaints quickly to avoid scrutiny (Zippel 2006: 186: Colaianni, 2026). Despite the EEOC’s limited capacity, even a threat of EEOC involvement has historically pressured employers into taking allegations seriously.
I am increasingly concerned that under the Trump administration, even that pressure will disappear. Employers across the country are aware of the agency’s shifting priorities and the diminished likelihood of meaningful enforcement. While women with financial resources or access to legal support may still be able to credibly threaten litigation, such leverage is largely unavailable to minimum-wage workers and others in precarious positions. In the absence of robust oversight, companies will prioritize financial and reputational interests over employee welfare. Decisions regarding sexual harassment will be based not on justice but on cost and image management—leaving the most vulnerable workers unprotected once again.
About the Author
Nicole Colaianni is a research associate at the Curt Engelhorn Chair in American History at Heidelberg University. She studied English and History with a focus on education and American Studies in Heidelberg. From October 2020 to September 2023 she was a doctoral candidate and research associate at the DFG-graduate group “Authority and Trust” at the Heidelberg Center for American Studies. Her dissertation on sexual harassment policies in the US-private sector will be published with De Gruyter in early 2026.
Contact: nicole.colaianni@zegk.uni-heidelberg.de
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Images:
Header Image: Heute.at, “Defense Secretary Pete Hegeseth and President Trump”, online: https://www.heute.at/i/erbaermlich-trump-minister-verabscheut-europa-120098724/doc-1in4q55f20 (accessed June 2, 2025).
Figure 1: Official White House Photography, “President Biden Signing the Speak Out Act, 2022”, online: https://picryl.com/media/biden-signing-the-speak-out-act-f9f6a3 (accessed June 2, 2025).
Figure 2: Heute.at, “President Trump Signes a Series of Executive Orders, January 2025”, online: https://www.heute.at/i/trump-macht-ernst-usa-weisen-schon-erste-migranten-ab-120085359/doc-1ii4bucnj1 (accessed June 2, 2025).
Figure 3: Nick Youngson, “Sexual Harassmetn and Gavel”, online: https://thebluediamondgallery.com/legal08/s/sexual-harassment.html (accessed June 2, 2025).
Figure 4: Library of Congress, “Eleanor Holmes Norton EEOC Commissioner 1977-1981”, online: https://loc.getarchive.net/media/eleanor-holmes-norton-comm-of-equal-employment-opportunity-commission-e7d43a (accessed June 2, 2025).
Figure 5: Getarchive.net, “President Ronald Reagan Giving the Inaugural Address from the United States Capitol”, online: https://itoldya420.getarchive.net/amp/media/president-ronald-reagan-giving-the-inaugural-address-from-the-united-states-cad375 (accessed June 2, 2025).
Figure 6: Executive Office of the President of the United States, “President Reagan and EEOC Chair Clarence Thomas, 1986”, online: https://itoldya420.getarchive.net/amp/media/ronald-reagan-and-clarence-thomas-in-1986-7367ba (accessed June 2, 2025).
OpenEdition suggests that you cite this post as follows:
The Editors (July 3, 2025). When Bureaucracy Fails Victims: EEOC, Political Will, and the Trump Administration. HCA Graduate Blog. Retrieved May 10, 2026 from https://doi.org/10.58079/149fu
